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How 'real' is reality TV?

The Western tradition of art ‘has always equated knowledge with representations which are judged according to their adequacy as reflections of external reality’ (Evans and Hall, 1999:12). However, works of art, photographs and modern media representations are essentially constructions through which ideologies are transmitted.

Reality TV Essay Introduction

Each historical age produces its own form of realism, its own ‘regime of truth.’ These forms of representing social reality change through time (Dovey, 2004:232). The media landscape has changed dramatically during the past decade. Out of the new broadcasting environment arose a new form of factual entertainment, generally referred to as reality TV. The growth of reality TV has brought to surface the age-old concern about realism and truthfulness. The defining feature of the mediated culture in which we now live is the intermingling of traditional codes of documentary realism with genres based on celebrity and artifice (Lewis, 2004: 288). These days the codes of reality and construction are more blurred than ever as factual television practices have more or less abandoned empirical observation in favour of the observation of simulated situations created for the consumption of television audiences. Audiences keep watching because ‘reality TV promises a window to the soul.’ (Patkin, 2003:13). Reality TV programmes claim to represent real life through the unscripted actions of real people. Critics claim that realism in reality TV is nothing but a construction. This essay examines the debates surrounding the question: How ‘real’ is reality TV? This is done through the examination of the most popular reality TV format in the UK, Big Brother. Described as a ‘gamedoc’, Big Brother first appeared on British television in the summer of 2000. The contestants are monitored 24 hours a day, seven days a week while they live together in a house isolated from the outside world. Since the first show, Big Brother has been screened every summer, its contestants have turned into minor celebrities and commentators have subjected the show to continuous public controversy due to the fact that it is seen to encourage paranoia and conflict through continuous surveillance.

The Big Brother Panopticon


The panopticon refers to a spatially organised technology in which power is exerted through the capacity to survey. The idea of the panopticon was first created by Bentham and developed further by Foucault (1999) who was interested in tracing the conditions of emergence of the visual as the ground of knowledge. As Evans and Hall (1999:15) describe it, Foucault wanted to uncover how the visual could be construed as an object of power/knowledge. The panopticon is a prison consisting of an annular building at the periphery and a central tower pierced with wide windows. The prison inmates are constantly visible from the central tower but can never know whether they are under surveillance at any particular moment. The panopticon induces ‘in the inmate a state of conscious and permanent visibility that assures the automatic functioning of power’ (Foucault, 1999:65). Like the inmates in the panopticon, Big Brother contestants are constantly visible. Moreover, Big Brother contestants are also aware of being watched and cannot escape the all-seeing eye of the cameras. The panopticon produces homogenous effects of power where inmates learn to discipline themselves for the surveying gaze. The permanent visibility in the Big Brother house has a similar effect on the contestants. The knowledge of the gaze influences the behaviour in the house. Housemates learn to perform for the cameras and through that performance the housemates exercise power upon themselves. As the contestants cannot know whether anyone is watching at any given moment, the performance is constant. The broadcasting of the show creates a false sense of intimacy by turning public and private inside out, strengthening the illusion that the audiences can read the nuances of every performance with the result of judging which contestants are being ‘real’ (Patkin, 2003:13). The interplay between surveillance and performance forms the central pleasure of reality TV programmes. At the same time, it renders the claims of broadcasting real life meaningless. The precise construction of real life becomes a source of gratification as viewers survey and criticise the performances of the housemates. Reality shows therefore prove their unreal nature through the effects of constant surveillance on the participants’ behaviour.

Authenticity and performance


Real life has always fascinated television audiences and programme producers have always attempted to exploit the audiences’ fascination with the real. As early as in the nineteenth century, the industrialisation that accompanied the development of an increasingly independent market economy has contributed to a waning sense of reality – one that resonates with sociologist Anthony Giddens’ description of the disembedding effects of modernity. Giddens (quoted in Andrejevic, 2004:143) wrote: ‘for the educated bourgeoisie […] reality itself began to seem problematic, something sought rather than lived. A dread of unreality, a yearning to experience intense real life […] helped to generate a longing for bodily vigour, emotional intensity, and a revitalised sense of selfhood.’ Roth (2003:34-35) suggests that reality is a social construct. If reality is socially constructed, the identification and explication of the predominant means used by contemporary society to introduce and maintain dominant ideology is necessary to achieve a greater understanding of our world. One of the means in which we achieve this understanding is by watching television (Roth, 2003:35). However, television in general has often been associated with fantasy and fictional representations, a kind of escapism from the hardships of real life. The paradox therefore is that ‘television, as a fictional, contrived world, cannot, by its very nature, be real’ (Chvasta and Fassett, 2003:217).

Big Brother is a product of the growing need for reality in the age of the postmodern. As Baudrillard (McGuigan, 1992: 215) described it, representation is now hyperreal. Simulations and images have become indistinguishable from the social being to the extent that divisions between the real and the hyperreal are blurred.  The simulated existence of the digital era has led to a rise in the search for intense experience as opposed to the homogenisation of mass consumption. Ryan (2006) claims that ‘by placing human subjects under the never-ending surveillance of cameras, and by labelling the resulting spectacle reality, [reality TV shows] seem to have been conceived for the specific purpose for implementing Foucault’s dystopic vision of a panoptic society, and Baudrillard’s doctrine of the hyperreality of the image in contemporary culture.’

In her research into reality TV audiences, Hill (2005) has identified performance as the most powerful framing device for judging reality TV’s claims to the real. The legacy of the documentary is still persistent in television viewers’ minds. The documentary claimed to offer ‘a window on the world’ through representing objectively real events as they naturally occurred. Dovey (2004:239) doesn’t believe in the authenticity of Big Brother: ‘the whole event is staged within a space characterised by mimicry in which participants are called upon to play a part in an imaginative construct, here the houseguests are playing a version of themselves which engages audiences in endless speculation around whether or not this performance of self is a true, authentic self or calculated performance.’ Clark (quoted in Kilborn 2004:54) on the other hand, believes that Big Brother represents reality: ‘Big Brother, with its laboratory layout, is just documentary making by another route. The audience tuned in to see a type of reality – real human beings behaving in unusual circumstances.’ The ultimate message of reality programmes is that the participants are ‘plain folks’; people just like you and me (Patkin, 2003:23). Big Brother claims to represent reality but there is little evidence of this claim in the programme itself. Housemates talk to the cameras like they were real people, speculate about the outside world and how they are perceived by the media and the public, and above all they play a game, devise strategies and game plans and attempt to outdo each other in their race for the cash prize. However, as Couldry (2004:63) points out, ‘however ambiguous the claims of Big Brother to represent reality, without some such claim its status as a show that makes celebrities out of real, ordinary people, collapses.’ In fact, viewers are attracted to reality TV precisely because it features real people. Hill (2005:58) notes that ‘viewers are also distrustful of the authenticity of reality TV because real people’s stories are represented in an entertaining manner.’

More than any other reality TV programme Big Brother encourages housemates to act up for the cameras. The most ‘real’ or the most ‘likeable character’ will win the game. The fact that Big Brother borrows the narrative techniques of fictional genres makes the interplay between performance and authenticity ambiguous. Viewers are aware of the constructed nature of the programme and understand the show in terms of the tensions between performed selves and real selves. Audiences enjoy looking for moments when performance breaks down and the real personality of the housemate emerges. When participants forget the cameras, something real and authentic can be displayed. The producers of the show cannot predict how their human subjects will behave in every situation. For example, the 5th series of Big Brother descended into chaos as the housemates broke into a fight where some contestants threatened to kill each other. The housemates pushed each other around, threw things, and broke plates and furniture. The producers cannot foresee all future developments – therefore openness is a defining characteristic of Big Brother. This openness also leaves space for moments of truth, when the housemates drop the act. Claims to authenticity and the real are immediately undermined by the ability of the contestants to put on an act for the cameras. On the other hand, however, reality TV does feature real people with the potential to be real. Reality TV is not real life; it is a constructed performance of the real.

Reality TV as a construction


Reality TV can be seen as construction, a simulation of real life. The participants are carefully selected; the world of the show constructed, the production environment made as risk-free as possible and the footage is selectively edited into short daily episodes. Despite all claims of Big Brother to represent reality, the daily show on Channel 4 is constructed of edited footage of the previous days’ events. This edited footage is represented through narrative conventions familiar from other genres. Despite the reality promise, reality shows deliver a carefully crafted menu of tightly planned activities. ‘Just as technical reproduction removes the context from a work of art so too can mediated relationships strip the context from a life’ (Benjamin quoted in Patkin, 2003:19).  Reality TV shows simulate the conditions of everyday life in a laboratory designed to entertain rather than enlighten the audiences. They construct artificial identities for the participants through selective editing and deception. The reality of reality television is therefore highly scripted and carefully edited (Patkin, 2003:20). The major complaint of evicted housemates is that they have not been portrayed fairly. The producers of the show select the most entertaining, the most revealing moments with the purpose of creating pseudo-heroes, the celebrities of the moment. This selection process starts with the casting of the participants. The casting process helps to maintain the illusion of play as well as to make the show as entertaining as possible (Patkin, 2003:14). The editorial function provides audiences with personality types that they can identify with. It is clear that the Big Brother contestants do not always get to represent themselves.

Conclusion


Reality TV is like a panopticon, marking the height of permanent visibility through surveillance. The disciplinary powers of observation encourage viewers to classify and compare individuals through their performance of the real. Television representations consist of fantasy and fictional narratives. Reality TV representations claim to represent real life and real people. There is an inherent contradiction between the role of television as representing something fictional and the documentary tradition on which reality TV shows are supposedly based. Can we trust what we see on Big Brother? ‘The appeal of reality TV lies in an attempt to reclaim what seems to be lost after digitisation, to connect with other subjects across time and space’ (Biressi and Nunn, 2004:32). The claim that reality TV cannot possibly capture reality because participants are selected by the producers, because they are aware of the presence of the cameras or because the whole situation is artificial, misses one important point. Human reality is more complex than the essentialist view that we can only be ourselves behind closed doors, in the safe haven of our homes and families. This assumption is based on the claim that everybody constructs a social face, a façade that they present to other people. As Ryan (2006) puts it, ‘the false, controlled self of public life is opposed to the true, impulsive self of privacy,’ which reality TV shows can only hope to capture in the brief glimpses when the participants forget the presence of the cameras. Reality TV is then not representing real life, rather, it is real in the sense that it features real people whose real personalities can be scrutinised, analysed and dissected by the audiences. The fact that people perform for the cameras makes the process of viewing pleasurable – the audiences become involved in a guessing game consisting of the search for the person behind the performance.  Moreover, one could argue that television audiences do not necessarily care how real a reality TV programme is. They already know that the events they witness become a resource that is carefully fashioned by programme makers into a saleable commodity (Kilborn, 2003:59). In fact, one of the major pleasures of a programme like Big Brother is the knowledge that it is indeed a construction of reality. Big Brother is not real and it does not represent normality since people are not under surveillance 24 hours a day. The constructed world of reality TV reveals how people act in a strange situation. As a result, the housemates become representations of modern individuals living in a society where difference, self-expression, individuality and image are central to the way in which people make meaning. Instead of the search for the reality in reality TV, would it not be more important to assess reality TV’s emphasis on personal relationships and the representations of identity, sexuality, gender and race found in these programmes?

Bibliography


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